Поиск по творчеству и критике
Cлово "DID"
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Входимость: 13. Размер: 61кб.
Часть текста: indifferent to such a question as that of white slavery in Russia[1]. White slavery in Russia has been too little attacked: perhaps because it has not been defended with the fierce tenacity of Transatlantic slaveholders. For it is to be remarked, that although many of the rich landholders in Russia passionately desire the maintenance of serfdom, no one is found to justify the institution ‒ no one to undertake its defence: not even the government. It is nevertheless a question of capital importance. Indeed, the whole Russian Question, for the present at least, may be said to be included in that of serfdom. Russia cannot make a step in advance until she has abolished slavery. The serfdom of the Russian peasant is the servitude of the Russian empire. The political and social existence of Western Europe formerly was concentrated in châteaux and in cities. It was essentially an aristocratic, or municipal existence. The peasant remained outside of the movement. The revolution took little thought of him. The sale of national property had no effect upon his condition, except to create a limited provincial bourgeoisie. The serf knew well enough that the land did not belong to him: he only looked for a personal and negative emancipation: an emancipation of the labourer. In Russia the reverse is the case. The original organization of that agricultural and communistic people was essentially democratic. There were no châteaux, very few towns, and those few nothing but large villages. No distinction existed between the peasant and the citizen. The rural commune, as it still exists, is the exact image of the great communes of Novgorod, Pskow, Kiev. Moscovite centralization, indeed, destroyed the autonomy of the towns: but the humble word commune preserved its...
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Часть текста: of "The Times" (Издателю "The Times") TO THE EDITOR OF «THE TIMES» Sir, — We hope you will not refuse to insert in your esteemed columns a few words in behalf of the Russian youths imprisoned in St. -Petersburg, Cronstadt, and Moscow, for an attempt to present an address to the emperor Alexander II, asking him to discontinue his persecutions of instruction in Russia. We are, indeed, quite edified by the tender friendship between Mr. George Williams (of King's College, Cambridge) and admiral Putiatin; but when friendship becomes a passion it may dim the mind as well as love or ambition. Mr. G. Williams, in the letter inserted in your esteemed journal (November 15), tries to smooth the bad impression produced on public opinion by your very truthful and beautiful correspondence concerning the Russian Universities. He says,—«The two main grievances, of which the students, had to complain at the outset were the abolition of their uniforms, and the imposition of certain tuition fees». The first assertion proves that Mr. Williams did not attentively read your correspondence; the second, that he does not understand the state of things in Russia, in spite of his having travelled in that...
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Часть текста: extract from a letter my venerated friend Garibaldi has, it seems, addressed to me and published in the «Diritto». I have satisfaction in stating that before the knowledge of this letter we understood our position precisely in the same manner as the great Italian; and, in proof, permit me to beg your insertion of a few lines translated from Russian, and published in the last number of the «Kolokol» (№ 96, April 15). It is necessary to explain that on the 10th of April we had designed to celebrate with our fellow-labourers in the Russian printing-office, and our friends, the event of the emancipation of the peasants in Russia, and on the morning of that day arrived by telegraph the account of the massacres at Warsaw. We quote from the article referred to: Our fête was sombre, sinister: we have known few days more heavy, when the mind has been more painfully oppressed by conflicting sentiments; never before did lampions hang so close to tears. The time is still far distant when a Russian may hold a fête for any event whatever in gaiety of heart, with no sad thought behind, with no anxious care. We had grown young again at the great news of the emancipation of the peasants; we looked forward with hope and anticipated with emotion our proposed meeting, prepared to drink, for the first time in our lives, the health of the emperor Alexander II, liberator of the peasants. We knew perfectly well to what obloquy we should expose ourselves by this act on the part of a narrow-minded political puritanism and mean jealousies. But we also knew that this toast, pronounced by us at our table, would have an echo in the heart of the emperor Alexander, very different from that of an enthusiasm under censure of the gendarmes and warmed by...
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Часть текста: «Завтра же велю у них сделать обыск». – «Да будто Жомини русский агент?» – спросил я. – «Ха, ха, ха! Это мы увидим теперь». Вот вам человек. Рубикон был перейден, и, что я ни делал, чтобы воздержать дружбу Головина, а главное, его посещения, все было тщетно. Он раза два в неделю приходил к нам, и нравственный уровень нашего уголка тотчас понижался – начинались ссоры, сплетни, личности. Лет пять спустя, когда Головин хотел меня додразнить до драки, он говорил, что я его боюсь; говоря это, он, конечно, не подозревал, как давно я его боялся до лондонской ссоры. Еще в России я слышал об его бестактности, о нецеремонности в денежных отношениях. Шевырев, возвратившись из Парижа, рассказывал о процессе Головина с лакеем, с которым он подрался, и ставил это на счет нас, западников, к числу которых причислял Гол<овина>. Я Шевыреву заметил, что Запад следует винить только в том, что они дрались , потому что на Востоке Головин просто бы поколотил слугу и никто не говорил бы об этом. Забытое теперь содержание его сочинений о России еще менее располагало к знакомству с ним. Французская риторика, либерализм Роттековой школы, pêle-mêle [489] разбросанные анекдоты, сентенции, постоянные личности и никакой логики, никакого взгляда, никакой связи. Погодин писал рубленой прозой, а Головин думал рублеными мыслями. Я миновал его знакомство донельзя. ...
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Часть текста: я тогда едва начинал приходить в себя, оправляться после ряда страшных событий, несчастий, ошибок. История последних годов моей жизни представлялась мне яснее и яснее, и я с ужасом видел, что ни один человек, кроме меня, не знает ее и что с моей смертью умрет и истина. Я решился писать; но одно воспоминание вызывало сотни других, все старое, полузабытое воскресало – отроческие мечты, юношеские надежды, удаль молодости, тюрьма и ссылка [217] – эти ранние несчастия, не оставившие никакой горечи на душе, пронесшиеся, как вешние грозы, освежая и укрепляя своими ударами молодую жизнь. Я не имел сил отогнать эти тени, – пусть они светлыми сенями, думалось мне, встречают в книге, как было на самом деле. Ия стал писать с начала; пока я писал две первые части, прошли несколько месяцев поспокойнее… Цепкая живучесть человека всего более видна в невероятной силе рассеяния и себяоглушения. Сегодня пусто, вчера страшно, завтра безразлично; человек рассеивается, перебирая давно прошедшее, играя на собственном кладбище… Лондон, 1 мая 1854 г. <Предисловие к английскому изданию> Preface In order to write down one’s own recollections, it is by no means necessary to be a great man, or an extraordinary villain; a celebrated artist, or a statesman; it is enough to be merely a man, to have something to tell, and to be able and willing to tell it. Every existence is interesting; if not on account of the person, yet on account of the country, the epoch in which he lives. Man likes to penetrate into the inward life of another; he likes to touch...
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Часть текста: condition would be the continuation of his sufferings; but we consider ourselves better informed than «F. M.», in representing that he languishes in the dungeons of St. -Petersburg. In 1847, Mr. Bakunin was expelled from France by M. Guizot for having, on the anniversary of the Polish revolution, called Nicholas «the assassin and the executioner of Poland». «F. M.» ought to know that Russian agents are not authorised to employ such expressions, and he had only to refer to the reports of the sittings of the French Chamber of Deputies to bend himself before Bakunin, if political courage can inspire him with respect. The calumny which «F. M.» has raised is by no means new. Ever since there have been revolutionary Russians, there have been people calling them Russian agents, with a view to ruin them in public opinion. This calumny has already made its appearance in a German gazette, which did not hesitate to call Madame George Sand to attest it. Well! Madame George Sand in a letter which has been made public, has given а formal contradiction to this matter, saying that she had proofs to the contrary. On this subject «F. M.» has only to consult the «Reforme» of 1848. What is «F. M.»? In the meanwhile, sir, and...
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Часть текста: (to the editor of «the morning advertiser») Sir, — the defenders of Bakunin name themselves; his accuser continues to conceal himself behind initials which possibly may not be his own. We consign to the English public the care of judging of the delicacy of such a course. To draw up in set terms, against a person detained on a political charge, an accusation so grave as that of being the agent of a despotic Government, without having conclusive proofs to proceed upon, is to place one's self in the position of a public and gratuitous defamer. We know Bakunin; we are proud of being his friends, and we speak from a knowledge of circumstances; whereas «F. M.» endeavours to excite a feeling against him at the risk of rendering his position worse. He says that the accomplices of Bakunin at Dresden have been put to death; while he, who was taken with arms in his hand, still lives. It is not true that Bakunin was taken with arms in his hand. Ho was arrested 12 miles from Dresden. The Prussians, who shot the combatants, only ruled at Dresden for three days. Bakunin did not appear before the Prussian military tribunal, but before the Saxon tribunals, which have not executed any one of his accomplices. «But why has not Russia applied the knout to Bakunin?» «F. M.» asks himself, who does not know that the Russian nobles are exempted from corporal punishment. And what has been the crime of Bakunin against Russia? His acts in Saxony and Austria are not, and cannot be,...